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Considers legislation to exempt newspaper vendors from newspaper publishing company employee withholding tax and social security obligations. ; Harold Knutson, chairman. ; Considers legislation to exempt newspaper vendors from newspaper publishing company employee withholding tax and social security obligations. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Historical reconstruction of the role of children selling newspapers in the 19th and 20th centuries in Chile

A letter from David Frothingham to Henry Dering regarding some of the arrangements to set up Frothingham's printing company. Frothingham published the Long Island Herald, one of the first newspapers on Long Island. Dering was the collector of Customs in Sag Harbor, and a man of some political influence. Frothingham discusses various meetings and proposed arrangements with different financial backers for his print shop. Captain Latham and Reverend Buell are mentioned by name, as is Mr. [David?] Gelston. This letter highlights the political nature of printing, along with the challenges of setting up a print shop in Early America.

The financial crisis in 1997 and the arrival of reform era in Indonesia has made Surakarta city a city of street vendors. The street vendors exist throughout the city and cause many problems. The first direct election for local leaders in Indonesia inspired citizens to hope that the local governments would be to overcome the problems effectively, including in Surakarta. This article aims to examine the Surakarta citizens' perceptions of the street vendors in Solopos daily, which is the main newspaper of the city. The research employed qualitative content analysis method. The data were taken through documentation. The results indicated that the public of Surakarta wanted street vendors need to be managed immediately. They wanted it to become the city's priority agenda. The public perception, then, becomes an important source as well as a good support for the local government to run actions and formulate a proper policy in the form of street vendors management.

This study views street vendors as public issues which are related to the conflict over public spaces between the government and the street vendors. The conflict was derived from differences in the interpretation and meaning of public spaces. The government has visions of order in the city and tries to control the street vendor in public place. However, the street vendors interpret public place as a strategic place to conduct their business and try to defend their existence in it. The differences in interpretation encouraged the birth of street vendor movement in Bandung. This research employed social movement concept to describes how street vendors try to construct their identities, build up the strength of their organization/association, frame and disseminate issues, and establish some coalitions. It used a qualitative method with case study research by attaining some cases of street vendors in Bandung and observing their news through newspaper and online media between 2015-2016, as well as conducting some interviews with key informants. The data collected through participative observation, thorough interview with street vendors, municipal government, street vendors' organizations/associations, and focus group discussion. This research showed that the process of identity construction is carried out informally through kinship system. Furthermore, the street vendors built their movement based on issues of unjust policy which is supported by right to seek livelihood, marginalization issue, and limited access to formal economic sectors. These issues become their justification to maintain their business in public places and their efforts to go against government interpretation of public places which become their foundation to formulate policies about street vendors. Lastly, to strengthen their bargaining position against the government, they establish three types of coalition; political coalition, political-economy coalition, and economy coalition.

It's Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistleblower by Michela WrongFourth Estate (London), 2009, ISBN 9-0-00-724196-5
Michela Wrong's book arrived in Kenya in a very clandestine manner in the early months of 2009. It did not come via the usual route of the bookshops. Rather, excerpts from it were serialized in the leading Kenyan newspaper, The Daily Nation. When the real copies of the book reached Nairobi, they were being sold by newspaper vendors on the streets and free copies were being given out by a Kiss Frequency Modulation (FM) radio station. Callers were asked to state why they wanted to read the book; they would then be offered free copies. But why was this book not being sold in the bookshops, as one would have normally expected? ...

The global terrorism database (GTD) shows that 3.5% of the total terror attacks across the world between 1970 to 2019 were targeted at tourists. A terror attack can be perpetrated by either a lone wolf or an affiliated terrorist. The analysis of the GTD conducted in this study shows that a terror attack targeted at tourists is 4.3 times more likely to have been perpetrated by a lone wolf than by affiliated terrorists. Since lone wolves operate individually, this finding implies that access control measures at tourist centers must regard individuals such as hawkers, newspaper vendors, freelance journalists, etc. who come around to do various businesses around tourists as potential terrorists until proven otherwise. Since lone wolves do not work for a terror group, tourist attraction centers located in the regions, territories, and countries with no presence of terror groups must not relax their counterterrorism control measures under the impression that they are safe from terror attacks.

Attempts to explore the complexities in the operation of the largest and best example of New Zealand's approximation of street vending known as the Otara Flea Market. Aims to understand the way that less formalized economic activity operates as part of the coping strategies of people in communities caught by the domestic response to changes in the global economy. Uses participant observation to categorize the nature, size and general profile of the vendors, document analysis of legal and newspaper reports, together with in‐depth interviews with vendors.

Telegrams exchanged between Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: Congressmen, Governorns, private citizens, the Peasants and Workers Confederation from Tuxtla Guitiérrez, Chiapas, the Pro-Education and Social Action Union, LA NACION Newspaper, the Railroad workers Party from Veracruz, the Great Socialist Party from Eastern Veracruz, Mayors, Graphic Arts workers and newspaper vendors as well as the Newspaper League of the Southeast. The aforementioned telegrams concern replies of acknowledgment; cancelling scheduled appointments, complaints about the Governor of Guerrero who refused to provide a report, confirming that B.A. Andrés L. Artega assumed the Governor's Office in Zacatecas, requests for scheduling appointments, report of the social peace in Chiapas submitted by the governor of that state, a request for information about the matter to be discussed with Engr. Pani, notification that the Secretary General of the Peasants and Workers Confederation of Chiapas has been appointed, requesting to be reinstated in a former job, reports on the kickoff of the XXX Local Legislature sessions in Guerrero; offering a house for sale, a notice about the inauguration of a secondary school, a request for mediation in the clarification of a murder of the manager of LA NACION newspaper, request for stationery supply, report about conferring with peasants in Jalapa, Veracruz, congratulatory greetings on his statements made to EL NACIONAL, report on the fundraiser to create the Pro- Monument to the Revolution fund, requesting a recommendation for employment, offer of services as Delegate in Berlín, requesting for mediation in the conflict with the Alliance of Agents of Publishing, granting an appointment, an invitation to inaugurate the XETW radio station; confirmation of the election of the Board of Directors for the Workers and Peasants Confederation; Complaints about problems in the Local Legislature in Guerrero; complaints about abuses of authority committed by the governor of Nayarit; complaint about the violation of the rights of the Graphic Arts Workers, information about the brilliant role of Obregón Rodríguez, request for providing safety guaranties to Salvador Camedo Soler, a complaint about an attack perpetrated against a worker, confirming the time of the inauguration of the Poultry Farming School in Santa Bárbara, reports on Joaquín Martínez Chavarría's whereabouts. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC, Diputados, Gobernadores, particulares, Confederación Campesina y Obrera de Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chis.; Unión Pro Educación y Acción Social, periódico LA NACION, Partido Ferrocarrilero Veracruzano, Gran Partido Socialista del Oriente de Veracruz, Presidentes Municipales, Trabajadores de Artes Gráficas y Voceadores y Liga Periodística del Sureste, acerca de: respuestas de enterado, cancelación de audiencias, quejas por haberse negado el Gobernador de Guerrero a rendir informe, notificación de haber asumido el cargo de Gobernador de Zacatecas el Lic. Andrés L. Arteaga, solicitudes de audiencia, informe del Gobernador de Chiapas sobre paz en el estado, solicitud de informe sobre asunto a tratar con el Ing. Pani, notificación sobre designación de Secretario General de la Confederación Campesina y Obrera de Chiapas, solicitud de ayuda para ser reinstalado en empleo; informes sobre inauguración de sesiones de la XXX Legislatura Local de Guerrero, ofrecimiento de venta de casa, notificación sobre inauguración de escuela secundaria, solicitud de intervención para aclarar asesinato perpetrado contra gerente del periódico LA NACION solicitud de remisión de papelería, informe sobre conferencias con campesinos de Jalapa, Ver., notificación de triunfo de candidatos bonillistas en Tlaxcala, protesta por asesinato de periodista en Veracruz, felicitaciones por sus declaraciones a EL NACIONAL, informe sobre contribución para la formación del Fondo Pro Monumento a la Revolución, solicitud de ayuda para conseguir empleo, ofrecimiento de servicios como Delegado en Berlín, solicitud de intervención en conflicto con Alianza de Agentes de Publicaciones, concesión de entrevista, invitación para que inaugure la estación de radio XETW, notificaión de elección de mesa directiva de la Confederación Campesinas y Obreras, quejas por agitación de Legislatura Local de Guerrero; quejas por abusos del Gobernador de Nayarit, queja por atentado contra los derechos de trabajadores de Artes Gráficas, informe sobre adhesiones a la actuación brillante de Obregón Rodríguez, solicitud de impartición de garantías a Salvador Camedo Soler, queja por atentado contra obrero, notificación sobre hora para inauguración de la Escuela Avícola en Santa Bárbara, informes sobre paradero de Joaquín Martínez Chavarría.

Pen drawing by John Fischetti of a man reading a newspaper with a headline on American politics with the headline: "McCarthy: 'J'ACCUSE!!' - Lattimore" in Paris, France from Fischetti's travels there in 1953. This item is part of the John R. Fischetti collection at the College Archives & Special Collections department of Columbia College Chicago. Contact archives@colum.edu for more information and to view the collection. ; https://digitalcommons.colum.edu/cadc_fischetti_travel/1009/thumbnail.jpg

BACKGROUND: Street-connected children and youth (SCY) in Kenya disproportionately experience preventable morbidities and premature mortality. We theorize these health inequities are socially produced and result from systemic discrimination and a lack of human rights attainment. Therefore, we sought to identify and understand how SCY's social and health inequities in Kenya are produced, maintained, and shaped by structural and social determinants of health using the WHO conceptual framework on social determinants of health (SDH) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) General Comment no. 17. METHODS: This qualitative study was conducted from May 2017 to September 2018 using multiple methods including focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, archival review of newspaper articles, and analysis of a government policy document. We purposively sampled 100 participants including community leaders, government officials, vendors, police officers, general community residents, parents of SCY, and stakeholders in 5 counties across Kenya to participate in focus group discussions and in-depth interviews. We conducted a thematic analysis situated in the conceptual framework on SDH and the CRC. RESULTS: Our findings indicate that SCY's social and health disparities arise as a result of structural and social determinants stemming from a socioeconomic and political environment that produces systemic discrimination, breaches human rights, and influences their unequal socioeconomic position in society. These social determinants influence SCY's intermediary determinants of health resulting in a lack of basic material needs, being precariously housed or homeless, engaging in substance use and misuse, and experiencing several psychosocial stressors, all of which shape health outcomes and equity for this population. CONCLUSIONS: SCY in Kenya experience social and health inequities that are avoidable and unjust. These social and health disparities arise as a result of structural and social determinants of health ...

BACKGROUND: Street-connected children and youth (SCY) in Kenya disproportionately experience preventable morbidities and premature mortality. We theorize these health inequities are socially produced and result from systemic discrimination and a lack of human rights attainment. Therefore, we sought to identify and understand how SCY's social and health inequities in Kenya are produced, maintained, and shaped by structural and social determinants of health using the WHO conceptual framework on social determinants of health (SDH) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) General Comment no. 17. METHODS: This qualitative study was conducted from May 2017 to September 2018 using multiple methods including focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, archival review of newspaper articles, and analysis of a government policy document. We purposively sampled 100 participants including community leaders, government officials, vendors, police officers, general community residents, parents of SCY, and stakeholders in 5 counties across Kenya to participate in focus group discussions and in-depth interviews. We conducted a thematic analysis situated in the conceptual framework on SDH and the CRC. RESULTS: Our findings indicate that SCY's social and health disparities arise as a result of structural and social determinants stemming from a socioeconomic and political environment that produces systemic discrimination, breaches human rights, and influences their unequal socioeconomic position in society. These social determinants influence SCY's intermediary determinants of health resulting in a lack of basic material needs, being precariously housed or homeless, engaging in substance use and misuse, and experiencing several psychosocial stressors, all of which shape health outcomes and equity for this population. CONCLUSIONS: SCY in Kenya experience social and health inequities that are avoidable and unjust. These social and health disparities arise as a result of structural and social determinants of health inequities stemming from the socioeconomic and political context in Kenya that produces systemic discrimination and influences SCYs' unequal socioeconomic position in society. Remedial action to reverse human rights contraventions and to advance health equity through action on SDH for SCY in Kenya is urgently needed.

Norine Kotts, Bio As a kid growing up in the suburbs just outside of Detroit I dreamed of joining the circus. The reality of picking up stakes and regularly moving was a part of my early childhood, so adding the circus element somehow made it seem exciting rather than what it sometimes was—a surprise of the greatest magnitude to learn that in an hour or two (or if I was lucky, a day or two) that we'd be on the road again in search of work for my dad. When we settled for any length of time, our home was a family to foster children of all ages. My adoptive mother, father, and I were the constants. The kids who passed through for a few weeks or months completed the other side of the circus equation. It's no wonder that when I struck out on my own I was at ease in almost any situation, able to easily slip into the lives of strangers and always willing to feed a new friend or give them a place to rest on whatever early twenty-something journey they were on. Hospitality was my bloodline. When the early '70's rolled around, I landed a job at a newspaper, answering phones, proofing copy, laying out pages, writing obituaries, and fetching coffee for the Sports Editor. The photographer took a shine to me, and I to his collection of cameras. I tagged along on assignments with him, picking up whichever loaded camera wasn't being used and began a life-long love of viewing the world through the lens of a camera. As more and more of my photos from a shared roll were chosen to illustrate a story, I gradually left desk work behind and began to free-lance my photos, eventually landing work photographing the Virginia Slims Women's Tennis Circuit. Once again, I was on the road, and while all of this was great fun and financially rewarding, after a few years of crisscrossing the country, I felt the need to let my cameras sit and my eyes rest. In 1980, I met Cheryl in San Francisco, we soon moved back to the East Coast, and our food adventures began. Cheryl Lewis, Bio Born in Chicago in 1957, I soon moved with my family to a mountain top in Rockland County, New York, and helped my parents build their house as their four-year-old assistant. I've been cooking all my life, starting out by my mother's side: shaking sugar onto her warm, gooey jelly doughnuts; making eclairs for her ladies' lunches; and building multi-course Chinese, Mexican, German, Italian and American dinners for the family. Who knew that all that cooking would become my life's passion! I moved to the Bay Area to attend art school, anticipating a career as a ceramic artist. Instead, meeting my partner Norine and all those girls on Waldo Street in Somerville, Massachusetts, led us to that super-fun and challenging collective experiment of Beetle's Lunch. We launched this whole new career path as a result of starting Beetle's in what felt like an idealistic "community of now" in Boston--an era that pushed the boundaries of "normal" both in purity of food (no can openers there!), music, and political feminism. So many people taught and supported me all along the way— chefs, friends, customers, vendors, family, and especially my girl, Norine! Together, we felt such vitality in our yearning to grow and learn and, as women entrepreneurs, to push that boulder up the mountain! ; https://digitalcommons.usm.maine.edu/lgbtq_beetle/1000/thumbnail.jpg

The tobacco industry is a major political force in Missouri through lobbying, direct campaign contributions, indirect contributions to the two major political parties and legislative political caucuses, gifts and honoraria, and entertainment events. The tobacco industry has a centralized political organization in Missouri that promotes and defends its political and market interests at the local and state levels of government. Although the tobacco lobby has operated in the open in some political campaigns, it has often operated quietly behind the scenes, frequently working with various allied organizations on state and local political campaigns. * Total tobacco industry contributions in the 1991-1992 election cycle more than doubled when compared to the 1989-1990 election cycle. Since the 1991-1992 election cycle, tobacco industry contributions have declined with contributions in the 1993-1994 election cycle being nearly half of what they were in 1991-1992. In the 1995-1996 election cycle, tobacco industry contributions were a little greater than what they were in the 1991-1992 election cycle. In the 1997-1998 election cycle, tobacco industry contributions dropped to about what they were in 1991-1992. From the 1989-1990 to the 1993-1994 electoral cycles, more direct contributions went to the Democratic Party than the Republican Party. That trend reversed in the 1995-1996 and 1997-1998 election cycles when the Republican Party received more than the Democratic Party. * Due to a political deal between the tobacco lobby and former Missouri House Speaker Bob Griffin in 1993, Missouri's tobacco excise tax rate has remained at 17 cents per pack with local governments being preempted from enacting new tobacco taxes. Missouri's tobacco excise tax rate is the ninth lowest in the country with only heavy tobacco growing states like Tennessee, Kentucky, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia being lower. Higher tobacco excise taxes would significantly reduce tobacco use for all age groups in Missouri, particularly for children and poor people. The impact of Missouri's state clean indoor air law enacted in 1992 has been very weak. Responsibility of who was to enforce the law at the local level has remained unclear. The state has not engaged in significant enforcement. The state clean indoor air law did not preempt stricter local clean indoor air ordinances. Nevertheless, the local ordinances that did pass were weak by national standards. Since 1993, the Missouri Department of Mental Health, Division of Alcohol and Drug Abuse has administered the Community 2000 program, a general substance abuse program that includes some tobacco control prevention efforts. The tobacco control efforts under this program have been weak due to a lack of financial and other resources. The program has not been administered in a comprehensive, effective and singular manner, and tobacco control efforts have had to compete with various other substance abuse efforts. Since 1993, the Missouri Department of Health administered the National Cancer Institute funded antitobacco and educational American Stop Smoking Intervention Study (ASSIST) program (and its current CDC predecessor the Comprehensive State-based Tobacco Use Prevention and Control Program). Due to a lack of energetic leadership in the Department of Health to support statewide anti-tobacco educational efforts and a failure by the Department of Health to encourage legally permissible energetic local anti-tobacco education activities, the program is currently not as effective as it might be. In 1994, the tobacco lobby in Missouri considered the Missouri Department of Mental Health to be an industry ally that would assist the industry in various political efforts. In 1996, Governor Mel Carnahan named the Missouri Department of Mental Health, Division of Alcohol and Drug Abuse to administer the federal Synar program, which required that states annually reduce the percentage of outlets likely to sell tobacco products to minors to below 20%. Administration of the Synar program occurred under the provisions of a weak 1992 state youth access law that contained very low fines for violations, voluntary enforcement by law enforcement agencies, and no licensing provisions of tobacco vendors, which made it difficult to determine which outlets sold tobacco products. The percentage of outlets that sold tobacco products to minors dropped from 40% in 1996 to 29% in 1997. In 1998, the percentage of outlets that sold tobacco products increased to 33%. The Division of Alcohol and Drug Abuse argued that extraordinary circumstances had cause this rise including changes in sampling methodology and some law enforcement agencies placing a higher priority on enforcement efforts related to methamphetamine. On September 17, 1997, the United States Department of Health and Human Services found Missouri out of compliance with Synar enforcement and called for a fine of $9.6 million on the basis that changes in sampling methodologies and placing more emphasis on methamphetamine enforcement was the Division of Alcohol and Drug Abuse's own choice. In the 2000 Legislative Session, the Missouri legislature allocated $1.2 million for Synar enforcement efforts to settle the complaint against it by the federal government. At the same time, the legislature also added an amendment to its appropriations bill prohibiting minors from engaging in Synar enforcement efforts. Governor Carnahan did not line item veto this provision. This amendment seriously undermined Missouri's ability to conduct Synar enforcement because the sale of tobacco to (undercover) individuals over 18 (who looked younger than 18) carried no penalty for outlets that sold these tobacco products. Despite the fact that 20% of the annual deaths in Missouri are caused by tobacco use, the Missouri legislature failed to enact legislation to spend Master Settlement Agreement funds for tobacco control in the 2000 Legislative Session. The primary reasons for the legislation's defeat was intense opposition by some Democrats and Republicans to any tobacco control program and the House sponsors of the bill lost control of the legislative process in the middle of the Session. Even if the Master Settlement Agreement bill had passed in the 2000 Legislative Session, its future effectiveness was in doubt because the bill called for the historically pro-tobacco Department of Mental Health to administer the program and a Senate provision allowed tobacco control funds to be diverted to other substance abuse programs. Organized health groups and advocates in Missouri are currently weak due to reorganization and a lack of resources. The health groups are also taking a strictly insider lobbying approach to tobacco control advocacy, not wanting to hold specific politicians publicly accountable for their pro-tobacco and anti-public health actions with outsider actions such as litigation or newspaper advertisements. Until this approach changes and the health groups are willing to increase resources to tobacco control activities, health advocates are highly unlikely to alter the current pro-tobacco orientation of the state legislature. Health advocates could successfully advance tobacco control efforts in Missouri by conducting a vigorous campaign to enact local tobacco control ordinances.